Environ. Res. Lett. 12 (2017) 084019
henceforth ExxonMobil’s principal (and only consistent) academic author, co-authoring 72% (52/72) of
all analyzed peer-reviewed work (79% since his
hiring). Indeed, the metadata title of the ‘Exxon
Mobil Contributed Publications’ file is ‘Haroon’s CV’
[15].
4.2. Government
As a 1980 ‘CO2 Greenhouse Communications Plan’
explained, ‘The research is . . . significant to Exxon
since future public decisions aimed at controlling the
buildup of atmospheric CO2 could impose limits on
fossil fuel combustion’ [146]. The scientific research, a
1982 letter described, helped ‘to provide Exxon with
the credentials required to speak with authority in this
area’ [99]. ExxonMobil appealed to its research
credentials in communications with government
officials [84].
4.3. Exxon management
A 1981 ‘Review of Exxon climate research’ observes
that ‘projects underway and planned on CO2 . . . are
providing an opportunity for us to develop a detailed
understanding of the total Federal atmospheric CO2
program which the Corporation needs for its own
planning . . . ’ [111].
4.4. Public and policymakers
The company’s climate science research offered ‘great
public relations value,’ observed a 1978 memo [145].
In 1980, with input from outside public relations
counsel, Exxon developed a ‘CO2 Greenhouse
Communications Plan,’ including advertorials, to
target ‘opinion leaders who are not scientists’ [146,
147]. By 1988!9, this plan explicitly aimed to ‘extend
the science’ and ‘emphasize the uncertainty in
scientific conclusions regarding the potential enhanced Greenhouse effect’ [131, 147]. That year, 1989,
they ran their first AGW advertorial. ExxonMobil’s
interest in influencing the non-scientific public and
policymakers helps explain our key observation: the
discrepancy between internal and academic documents versus advertorials concerning AGW as real,
human-caused, serious, and solvable.
5. Conclusion
Available documents show a discrepancy between what
ExxonMobil’s scientists and executives discussed
about climate change privately and in academic circles
and what it presented to the general public. The
company’s peer-reviewed, non-peer-reviewed, and
internal communications consistently tracked evolving climate science: broadly acknowledging that AGW
is real, human-caused, serious, and solvable, while
identifying reasonable uncertainties that most climate
scientists readily acknowledged at that time. In
contrast, ExxonMobil’s advertorials in the NYT
15
overwhelmingly emphasized only the uncertainties,
promoting a narrative inconsistent with the views of
most climate scientists, including ExxonMobil’s own.
This is characteristic of what Freudenberg et al term
the Scientific Certainty Argumentation Method
(SCAM)—a tactic for undermining public understanding of scientific knowledge [57, 58]. Likewise, the
company’s peer-reviewed, non-peer-reviewed, and
internal documents acknowledge the risks of stranded
assets, whereas their advertorials do not. In light of
these findings, we judge that ExxonMobil’s AGW
communications were misleading; we are not in a
position to judge whether they violated any laws.
Acknowledgments
The authors thank librarian Frank Burchsted for his
assistance, Ploy Pattanun Achakulwisut for helpful
discussions and for participating in intercoder
reliability testing, and three anonymous peer
reviewers. This research was supported by Harvard
University Faculty Development Funds and by the
Rockefeller Family Fund. The authors have no other
relevant financial ties and declare no conflicts of
interest.
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