04/02/2020
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The dissent’s view will lead to glaring absurdities. Allowing the dissent’s proposal
that an appointment is complete merely upon the signing of an appointment paper
and its transmittal, excluding the appointee’s acceptance from the appointment
process, will lead to the absurdity that, in case of non-acceptance, the position is
considered occupied and nobody else may be appointed to it. Moreover, an
incumbent public official, appointed to another public office by the President, will
automatically be deemed to occupy the new public office and to have automatically
resigned from his first office upon transmittal of his appointment paper, even if he
refuses to accept the new appointment. This will result in chaos in public service.
Even worse, a President who is unhappy with an incumbent public official can simply
appoint him to another public office, effectively removing him from his first office
without due process. The mere transmittal of his appointment paper will remove the
public official from office without due process and even without cause, in violation of
the Constitution.
The dissent’s proferred excuse (that the appointee is not alluded to in Section 15,
Article VII) for its rejection of “acceptance by the appointee” as an integral part of
the appointment process ignores the reason for the limitation of the President’s
power to appoint, which is to prevent the outgoing President from continuing to rule
the country indirectly after the end of his term. The 1986 Constitutional Commission
installed a definite cut-off date as an objective and unbiased marker against which
this once-in-every-six-years prohibition should be measured.
The dissent’s assertion that appointment should be viewed in its narrow sense (and
is not a process) only during the prohibited period is selective and time-based, and
ignores well-settled jurisprudence. For purposes of complying with the time limit
imposed by the appointment ban, the dissent’s position cuts short the appointment
process to the signing of the appointment paper and its transmittal, excluding the
receipt of the appointment paper and acceptance of the appointment by the
appointee.
The President exercises only one kind of appointing power. There is no need to
differentiate the exercise of the President’s appointing power outside, just before, or
during the appointment ban. The Constitution allows the President to exercise the
power of appointment during the period not covered by the appointment ban, and
disallows (subject to an exception) the President from exercising the power of
appointment during the period covered by the appointment ban. The concurrence of
all steps in the appointment process is admittedly required for appointments outside
the appointment ban. There is no justification whatsoever to remove acceptance as a
requirement in the appointment process for appointments just before the start of the
appointment ban, or during the appointment ban in appointments falling within the
exception. The existence of the appointment ban makes no difference in the power
of the President to appoint; it is still the same power to appoint. In fact, considering
the purpose of the appointment ban, the concurrence of all steps in the appointment
process must be strictly applied on appointments made just before or during the
appointment ban.
In attempting to extricate itself from the obvious consequences of its selective
application, the dissent glaringly contradicts itself:
elibrary.judiciary.gov.ph/thebookshelf/showdocsfriendly/1/60717
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