The mapping was piloted in five areas, purposively selected to highlight specific contexts: a highly urbanized city (Marikina City), a provincial capital city (Batangas City), multi-cultural areas (Zamboanga City and Koronadal City in South Cotabato) and disaster areas (Guian, Eastern Samar and Zamboanga City). In addition to this, a mapping of literature on women’s human rights in the Philippines from the past five years (2013-2018) was also conducted towards providing an initial grasp of the discourse on women’s human rights and GBV as intersecting with other identities: rural women, indigenous women, migrant women, Muslim women, among others.4 The data was gathered through interviews and focus group discussions with direct service providers in GBV cases, and review of related secondary data.5 This report is structured around the findings related to Objectives 3 and 4, as interfaced with the review of stakeholders’ roles and functions in relation to Objectives 1 and 2. It was observed that GBV documentation follows the women’s entry into the system of social services addressing GBV, and ends when the woman opts or falls out of this system for reasons ranging from already having accessed the services needed, lack of personal resources to pursue her legal case, to disillusionment with the process. 3. Discussion on Findings 3.1. Documentation and Referral Systems on GBV Documenting GBV is part of standard operating procedures of government agencies directly engaged in addressing the issue. This is also reinforced in several laws and their implementing rules and regulations, as well as administrative orders and circulars specific to each agency. The focus of government documentation is on case management (recording incidents, case referrals and transfers, and monitoring case progress) and program planning and evaluation(tracking of number of cases and services provided). In both instances, GBV cases received is the basic unit of data. Thus mapping the case management network and referral pathway of GBV cases is a strategic starting point for understanding how GBV is documented. Diagram 1 shows the different entry points for GBV victim/survivors into the purview of helping agencies. Although some will only provide referral services or accompany women to agencies with more specific mandates to intervene in GBV cases (for instance, the barangay, local social welfare office, or the police), some form of recording is still part of the process. Intake forms are particularly important tools to capture details of the case, so as to assess the immediate needs and issues of the victim/survivor, and if the agency can address these or a referral is needed. Each agency will have its own format for this purpose, but the basic information on the woman, the violation, and the perpetrator is standard. Other limitations of the project include: (1) it focused on women’s experiences, (2) VAWC as defined by RA 9262 and rape as concrete platforms for discussing GBV, (3) data analyzed is limited to the participants’ input, specifically, the lack references to women with disabilities, women migrants, women in the informal economy reflect the non-inclusion of these groups of women in the general discourse of research participants, and (4) literature mapping is based on materials available online using search engines and databases such as Google Scholar, ProQuest, OPAC of major universities (UP/ UP Center for Women’s Studies, Ateneo, De La Salle Unvesity, Miriam College / Women and Gender Institute) and those available from government institutions such as Philippine Institute of Development Studies. 5 Refer to the GBV Observatory inception report, and knowledge products on data auditing and conducting FGDs (also part of the project outputs) for more detailed discussion of project methodology. 4 Making Data Work for Women’s Human Rights A Proposed Framework for the CHR Observatory on Gender-Based Violence 4