04/02/2020
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principle is "not a magical formula that automatically dissuades courts in resolving
cases," so also should the exceptions not be considered magical formulas that should
apply when the Court is minded to conduct a review despite the mootness of a
petition. In other words, where an issue is moot on its face, the application of any of
the exceptions should be subjected to a strict test because it is a deviation from the
general rule. The Court should carefully test the exceptions to be applied from the
perspectives both of legality and practical effects, and show by these standards that
the issue absolutely requires to be resolved.
I do not believe that the exceptions were so tested and considered under
the ponencia.
c. The Ponencia's Positions Refuted
i. Mootness and this Court's TRO
A first point the ponencia stresses with preeminence in its discussion of the
mootness issue is the observation that "the signing of the MOA-AD did not push
through due to the court's issuance of a Temporary Restraining Order." The
implication, it seems, is that the intervening events subsequent to the filing of the
petition and the issuance of the temporary restraining order (TRO) - specifically, the
respondents' commitment that the MOA-AD shall not be signed in its present form or
in any other form,[14] and the President's act of dissolving the GRP negotiating
panel[15] - had no effect on the petitions because the signing of the MOA-AD had by
then been stopped by our TRO. I find this a disturbing implication as the petitions for
prohibition presented live controversies up to and beyond the issuance of this
Court's TRO; they were rendered moot only by the above mentioned intervening
events. By these intervening and unequivocal acts, the respondents effectively
acknowledged that the MOA-AD should indeed not be signed as demanded by the
petition. Thus, the TRO from this Court only immediately ensured that the MOA-AD
would not be signed until this Court had spoken on the constitutional and statutory
grounds cited by the petitions, but it was the respondents' acts that removed from
controversy the issue of whether the MOA-AD should be signed or not. In simpler
terms, after the respondents declared that the MOA-AD would not be signed, there
was nothing left to prohibit and no rights on the part the petitioners continued to be
at risk of violation by the MOA-AD. Thus, further discussion of the constitutionality of
the MOA-AD now serves no useful purpose; as the discussion below will show, there
may even be a considerable downside for our national interests if we inject another
factor and another actor in the Mindanao conflict by ruling on the unconstitutionality
of the MOA-AD.
ii. Mootness and Constitutional Implications
The ponencia posits as well that the MOA-AD has not been mooted because it has
far-reaching constitutional implications and contains a commitment to amend and
effect necessary changes to the existing legal framework. The same reason
presented above suffices to defuse the ponencia's fear about the adverse
constitutional effects the MOA-AD may bring or might have brought: without a
signed MOA-AD none of these feared constitutional consequences can arise.
From another perspective, what the ponencia appears to fear are the constitutional
violations and adverse consequences of a signed and effective MOA-AD. These fears,
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