and promote. It is also relevant to reflect on women’s ideas of justice and her participation in defining this: not all women see pursuing a legal case against their partners as the solution; many women just want the violence to stop. This may also explain why community-based processes such as mediation at the barangay or by the community elders, which are discouraged for GBV cases under the law, are still accessed by women. Practices of barangay mediation in a general sense are still present in all research areas. In Zamboanga City and Koronadal City, indigenous and Muslim women can also opt to bring the GBV complaint to the council of elders. Particularly in cases involving Muslim women, community peace also weighs in the discussion of what is just in VAWC. 2. GBV documentation is initiated when the women engages the formal systems of redress or access services needed. This highlights another function of documentation: not only does it records the experience of GBV but prior to this, it also officializes the women’s entry to the social service and legal systems. Documentation is integral to the process of service delivery and is a requrement for accountability. By agreeing to have her experience recorded, the woman is able to avail of interventions offered by the State, from the issuance of barangay protection orders, getting material assistance and psychosocial services, to receiving legal aid. Each service provider has their own intake system and forms, although documentation sharing is not uncommon especially when a legal case is filed. For instance, the police may ask for a copy of the barangay complaint as part of the evidence. This is also notable in the context of GBV statistics which has been described as presenting only of documented cases. What is excluded in official data is both the unreported cases and the reported but unrecorded ones. Common among barangay women’s desk officers in the research areas are stories of women reporting a VAWC but does not want to have her complaint documented in the barangay VAWC logbook. Also notable, the barangay VAWC desk officers also do not see their intereaction with these women as official work as well, even if during their “pag-uusap” or “conversation” she gave information on women’s human rights, the Anti-VAWC law and options for the women to consider. Another category of reported but unrecorded cases of GBV are those brought to community mechanisms for resolution, such as in the case of IP and Muslim women. In the context of Muslims, since child marriages are acceptable in their culture, a case of child sexual abuse brought to the barangay may be recorded not as “rape” but child marriage if the perpetrator proposes marriage and is accepted by the victim-survivor’s family (Zamboanga City). In emergency or disaster contexts, forms of GBV are uncovered and documented because of the monitoring of service providers, and not always because the woman had initiated the complaint. The support by international and national agencies, usually through capacity building of local service providers, in this regard has been important. Some of the systems, specifically referral pathways, put in place during the disaster response and recovery period were carried over in more stable times. 3. State level documentation as published is almost always focused on the “point of entry data” i.e. number of women who asked for help, and the services given. Information on the process (e.g. Making Data Work for Women’s Human Rights A Proposed Framework for the CHR Observatory on Gender-Based Violence 7