04/02/2020
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In transferring the NCIP to the DAR as an attached agency, the President effectively
tempered the exercise of presidential authority and considerably recognized that
degree of independence.
The Administrative Code of 1987 categorizes administrative relationships into (1)
supervision and control, (2) administrative supervision, and (3) attachment.[41] With
respect to the third category, it has been held that an attached agency has a larger
measure of independence from the Department to which it is attached than one
which is under departmental supervision and control or administrative supervision.
This is borne out by the "lateral relationship" between the Department and the
attached agency. The attachment is merely for "policy and program coordination."
[42] Indeed, the essential autonomous character of a board is not negated by its
attachment to a commission.[43]
AMIN argues, however, that there is an anachronism of sorts because there can be
no policy and program coordination between conceptually different areas of reform.
It claims that the new framework subsuming agrarian reform, urban land reform and
ancestral domain reform is fundamentally incoherent in view of the widely different
contexts.[44] And it posits that it is a substantive transformation or reorientation that
runs contrary to the constitutional scheme and policies.
AMIN goes on to proffer the concept of "ordering the law"[45] which, so it alleges,
can be said of the Constitution's distinct treatment of these three areas, as reflected
in separate provisions in different parts of the Constitution.[46] It argues that the
Constitution did not intend an over-arching concept of agrarian reform to encompass
the two other areas, and that how the law is ordered in a certain way should not be
undermined by mere executive orders in the guise of administrative efficiency.
The Court is not persuaded.
The interplay of various areas of reform in the promotion of social justice is not
something implausible or unlikely.[47] Their interlocking nature cuts across labels
and works against a rigid pigeonholing of executive tasks among the members of the
President's official family. Notably, the Constitution inhibited from identifying and
compartmentalizing the composition of the Cabinet. In vesting executive power in
one person rather than in a plural executive, the evident intention was to invest the
power holder with energy.[48]
AMIN takes premium on the severed treatment of these reform areas in marked
provisions of the Constitution. It is a precept, however, that inferences drawn from
title, chapter or section headings are entitled to very little weight.[49] And so must
reliance on sub-headings,[50] or the lack thereof, to support a strained deduction be
given the weight of helium.
Secondary aids may be consulted to remove, not to create doubt.[51] AMIN's thesis
unsettles, more than settles the order of things in construing the Constitution. Its
interpretation fails to clearly establish that the so-called "ordering" or arrangement
of provisions in the Constitution was consciously adopted to imply a signification in
terms of government hierarchy from where a constitutional mandate can per se be
derived or asserted. It fails to demonstrate that the "ordering" or layout was not
elibrary.judiciary.gov.ph/thebookshelf/showdocsfriendly/1/44257
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